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Phillip B.C. Jones, Ph.D., J.D.
I. Introduction: Identity testing in criminal investigation
During
the mid-to late nineteenth century, European intellectuals and
government leaders worried about the rising crime rate that accompanied
industrial progress and colonial expansion (Sankar, 2001). Analysts
proposed a biological degeneration as the cause of rising crime in
general, and in particular, the creation of a criminal class. To
reverse this degeneration in England, Francis Galton proposed
compulsory marriages between people of good stock. This presented the
challenge of finding an outward sign of inward character, so that it
would be possible to identify those who should be breeding. In the
1880s, Galton thought that he had found this marker in fingerprints.
However, his studies showed that variations in papillary ridges would
not provide an external marker of internal character, and hypothesized
that this was due to a millennia of indiscriminate mixing of character
types. Nevertheless, he decided that fingerprints could aid social
improvement by providing a unique identifier, which would be especially
useful to identify habitual criminals who took advantage of the
anonymity offered by the new, large cities (Cole, 2001 ).
One
hundred years later, Alec Jeffreys, a geneticist working in England on
blood anomalies, developed DNA typing. As the analytic techniques
evolved, "DNA fingerprinting" became more popular. In 1995, Britain
began to take DNA samples from anyone arrested for a felony or
misdemeanor (Cole, 2001). The United Kingdom’s National DNA Database
currently holds DNA profiles of more than 1.5 million suspects
(Forensic Science Service, 2002). The United States is beginning to get
as aggressive as the UK in collection of DNA samples for criminal
identification.
II. DNA Testing in the United States
All
states have laws authorizing the collection of biological samples for
DNA analysis from convicted sex offenders (Gugliotta, 1999; Willing,
2002a). Although requirements vary from state to state, most also take
samples from murderers, kidnappers, robbers, and child molesters.
Virginia, which has the oldest DNA database in the U.S., has been at
the forefront: taking samples from convicted felons, as well as from
juvenile offenders whose crimes would have been felonies had they been
of age (Siegel, 2002). More states are moving to collect DNA
samples from thousands of non-violent criminals, such as burglars and
check forgers (Willing, 2002b). The number of states collecting DNA
from all convicted felons rose from seven in 2000 to 19 in 2002, a
trend that may be driven by the observation that state DNA databases
now routinely solve murders, rapes, and other violent crimes by linking
them to criminals convicted of non-violent offenses (Willing, 2002b).
In Virginia, for example, nearly two-thirds of the 60 crimes linked to
people convicted of drug possession were rapes or murders, and ten out
of 22 forgers who were linked to other crimes were linked to murders or
sexual assaults. The success of DNA databases has also spurred the
authorization of the use of "reasonable force" with inmates reluctant
to donate samples. To date, 11 states have authorized the use of such
force (Willing, 2002a).
In addition to an expansion of the types of crimes that trigger
biological sample collection, states are changing the point at which
samples can be taken. In February, a Texas law took effect that
requires testing of those indicted in sex crimes (Rein, 2002). That
same month, Virginia took a more radical step. The legislature passed a
bill that allows authorities to take biological samples for DNA
analysis of everyone arrested in a felony case.
Virginia’s
SB535, which has an effective date of January 1, 2003, requires a
saliva or tissue sample from every person arrested for a violent
felony. A "violent felony" includes: first and second degree murder,
voluntary manslaughter, mob-related felonies, a kidnapping or abduction
felony, any malicious felonious assault or malicious bodily wounding,
robbery, carjacking, a criminal sexual assault punishable as a felony,
and certain forms of arson. After the law is in effect, a magistrate
will determine that probable cause exists for the arrest, and then a
biological sample will be taken prior to the person’s release from
custody. If the charge is dismissed or the person is acquitted at
trial, the DNA sample will be destroyed by the Division of Forensic
Science.
Dr. Paul
Ferrara, the Director of the Virginia Division of Forensic Science,
sees that the primary benefit of the new law is that, by taking a
sample at the time of arrest instead of waiting for a conviction, DNA
information is available earlier for comparing against DNA samples from
unsolved crimes (Sigel, 2002). However, the notion of taking DNA
samples from arrestees has stirred protests that it is unconstitutional
and should not be done.
III. DNA Collection at the Time of Arrest
1. Is it permissible under the law?
Those
who find DNA collection unconstitutional point to the Fifth or Fourth
Amendments. Some commentators have argued that a suspect’s Fifth
Amendment right not to act as a witness against themselves provides a
basis for refusing to give a genetic sample (Morin, 2002). However,
courts have limited the right against self-incrimination to a suspect’s
oral testimony, and physical or behavioral characteristics are not
testimonial. In Boling v. Romer, for example, a federal appellate court
found that requiring DNA samples from inmates was not compulsory
self-incrimination because DNA samples are not testimonial in nature.
The Fourth Amendment provides a more substantial challenge to DNA
testing.
Under the
Fourth Amendment, suspects have a due process right against
unreasonable searches and seizures. As a result, a warrant must be
issued to conduct a search and probable cause must exist before the
warrant is issued. One proponent of DNA testing detects support for the
procedure in the U.S. Supreme Court decision, Schmerber v. California,
in which the Court found that an involuntary blood draw to assess blood
alcohol concentration was allowable without a warrant, because the
evidence would have been metabolized by the time a warrant was issued
(Scott, 2001). Of course, a suspect’s DNA should be more stable than
blood alcohol; if not, than the suspect has bigger problems than the
law.
The Fourth
Amendment guarantees that all people shall be "secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures." A governmental action is a search or seizure within the
scope of the Fourth Amendment if the person invoking its protection can
claim a legitimate expectation of privacy in the place search or the
item seized. Courts have found that obtaining a biological sample, such
as saliva, for DNA analysis can be considered a search under the Fourth
Amendment (see, for example, In re Shaddie Clark Shabazz).
However, the Fourth Amendment does not proscribe all searches and
seizures, but only those deemed "unreasonable." The general rule is
that the question of whether a particular action is unreasonable is
judged by balancing its intrusion on the individual’s Fourth Amendment
interests against its promotion of legitimate governmental interests
(see, for example, The People v. James Edward King). When the governmental action is the taking of a sample for DNA analysis, courts have analogized to fingerprinting.
In Rise v. State of Oregon,
the court noted that the gathering of fingerprint evidence from "free
persons" constitutes a sufficiently significant interference with an
individual’s expectation of privacy that authorities are required to
demonstrate that they have probable cause, or at least an articulable
suspicion, to believe that the person committed a criminal offense and
that the fingerprinting will establish or negate the person’s
connection with the offense. In contrast:
[E]veryday
"booking" procedures routinely require even the merely accused to
provide fingerprint identification, regardless of whether investigation
of the crime involves fingerprint evidence. . . . Thus, in the
fingerprinting context, there exists a constitutionally significant
distinction between the gathering of fingerprints from free persons to
determine their guilt of an unsolved criminal offense and the gathering
of fingerprints for identification purposes from persons within the
lawful custody of the state. (p. 1560; citations omitted)
The
same argument can be made for the routine collection of a biological
sample, such as saliva or a buccal swab, for DNA analysis.
In
1998, New York City Police Commissioner Howard Safir went public with
his plan for city police to take a DNA sample along with fingerprints
of everyone arrested ("DNA," 1998; "Proposal," 1998). Norman Siegel,
the Director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, objected that the
major fallacy in Safir’s plan was that he equated a fingerprint with
DNA when taking a DNA sample, unlike recording a fingerprint, reveals a
person’s complete genetic makeup and is too intrusive ("DNA," 1998).
The Director of the Connecticut Civil Liberties Union has gone further.
According to Joseph Grabarz, when you give up DNA information, you are
not just giving up information about yourself, but about your family,
past, present, and future (Halloran, 1999). This concern, in turn,
fuels the fear that genetic information will be used for genetic
discrimination, or that law enforcement agencies might use the
information for commercial purposes (Halloran, 1999; Kertscher, 2001).
These fears are based upon a misunderstanding about the information
derived from DNA analyses by crime laboratories.
There
is a difference between the genetic information required for
identification and the genetic information that informs about disease
or phenotype. Fisher and Jones (2001) explain the differences this way.
A genetic marker used for identification should be highly variable, and
the more variable the markers, the fewer are needed for positive
identification. In contrast, a gene examined in a genetic test is
unlikely to be highly variable, because the test is geared to detect an
abnormality, which most will not have. Furthermore, a nucleotide
sequence is usually of interest in genetic testing because it codes for
a protein. In identification, however, a noncoding nucleotide sequence
is of most interest. This is because the mathematical modeling used in
identification works best with noncoding sequences that are considered
unaffected by natural selection.
Even
if the sampling of all arrestees’ DNA may be performed, the question
remains about whether it can be done. Arizona now tests only those
convicted of certain crimes, including homicide, sexual offenses, and
home burglary. However, the state legislature may soon pass a bill that
would phase in testing of all convicted felons. Yet this increase in
scope, which does not include arrestees, presents the unresolved issue
of how to pay the estimated $2 million annual cost of expanded testing
(Davenport, 2002). Since 1999, Louisiana has a law mandating arrestee
testing, but staffing and funding problems have delayed the program
(Rein, 2002).
On the
federal level, experts have concluded that the collection of DNA
samples at the time of arrest is cost prohibitive. According to the
National Commission on the Future of DNA Evidence, the majority of
crime laboratories face difficult prioritization decisions due to
limited financial and personnel resources (National Institute of
Justice, 2000). Laboratories find their first priority in cases
necessary for upcoming trials, as they struggle to keep pace with
prosecutors’ demands for DNA evidence in court. The next priority lies
in DNA analysis for investigative purposes, where a suspect exists but
DNA evidence is necessary to effectuate an arrest. It is only after
prioritizing court cases and suspect cases that laboratories can
allocate resources to analysis of non-suspect crime scene samples. This
is the class for which the FBI’s Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) was
designed and the class of cases where offenders are at liberty to
re-offend.
Due to
current prioritization and funding constraints, most police departments
maintain policies that prevent the submission of non-suspect cases to
laboratories, creating a backlog of DNA cases maintained in police
evidence lockers. To place the extent of the backlog into perspective,
Congress is considering the DNA Database Completion Act of 2001 (H.R.
2680), which authorizes grants to eligible States for DNA analyses of
samples taken from individuals convicted of a qualifying State offense,
and of samples from crime scenes, for inclusion in the Combined DNA
Index System. The cost: $100,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2002
through 2006.
Given
the current volume of DNA cases facing the nation’s forensic labs and
the current inability of the labs to keep pace with that volume, the
Commission recommended that the Department of Justice should not pursue
arrestee sampling unless the convicted offender database backlog is
substantially eliminated, significant sources are allocated for the
analysis of non-suspect cases, and sufficient funds are made available
for the collection and analysis of arrestee samples. Until these
conditions are met, the Commission concluded, the pursuit of arrestee
sampling would seriously exacerbate the backlog and casework and prove
more harmful than beneficial by diverting resources from non-suspect
cases.
The
social development of DNA analysis is paralleling that of fingerprints:
initial hesitancy followed by acceptance of police departments and
courts, followed by a rush to implement the technology with an
ever-expanding scope. According to Cole (2001), the history of
fingerprinting should teach the difference between a biological marker
and a code that informs about a person’s abilities, weaknesses, or
destinies. An emphasis on this distinction may aid the social
acceptance of collecting DNA samples from arrestees, as long as there
are sufficient assurances that DNA typing will only be used for
identification. The cost of implementing such a biological sample
collection is another matter. However, the U.S. public may be more
inclined to foot the bill since the September 11 terrorist attacks.
Boling v. Romer, 101 F.3d 1336 (10th Cir. 1996).
Cole, S.A. (2001). Suspect Identities (Harvard University Press).
Davenport, P. (April 12, 2002). "Lawmakers moving to expand state’s DNA testing of criminals," The Associated Press State & Local Wire.
"DNA from suspects: Plan raises fears," Seattle Times (Final Edition) A6 (December 15, 1998).
Fischer, E.A. and Jones, N.L. (2001). DNA Identification and Evidence: Applications and Issues (Novinka Books).
Gugliotta, G. (July 7, 1999). "A rush to DNA sampling: Vital police tool? Affront to Liberty?" The Washington Post, A01.
Halloran, L. (October 24, 1999). "DNA testing fuels debate over privacy some say justice wins, others fear losing rights," Hartford Courant, A1.
In re Shaddie Clark Shabazz, 2002 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 8078 (April 23, 2002).
Kertscher, T. (May 4, 2001). "DNA tests raise privacy worries," Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, 03B.
Morin, S.K. (Spring 2002). "The physician as gatekeeper to the use of genetic information in the criminal justice system," The Journal of Law, Medicine, & Ethics 30:88-94.
National
Institute of Justice. (January 16, 2000). "Recommendation of the
National Commission on the Future of DNA Evidence to the Attorney
General Regarding Arrestee DNA Sample Collection," Available: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/dna/arrestrc.html.
"Proposal: DNA sample at arrest/Safir to speak today on controversial plan," Newsday (Combined Editions), A31 (December 14, 1998).
Rein, L. (February 11, 2002). "Va. Senate Panel Backs DNA tests at time of arrest," The Washington Post, A1.
Rise v. State of Oregon, 59 F.3d 1556 (Ninth Cir. 1995).
Sankar, P. (2001). "DNA-Typing: Galton’s Eugenic Dream Realized?," in Documenting Individual Identity, Caplan, J. and Torpey, J. (Eds.), pages 273-290 (Princeton University Press).
Schmerber v. California, 384 U.S. 757 (1966).
Scott, G. (November 20, 2001). "Should Physicians help law enforcement authorities conduct ‘DNA dragnets’?, The New York Times (Late Edition), F7.
Siegel, R. (February 18, 2002). All Things Considered National Public Radio.
The People v. James Edward King, 82 Cal. App. 4th 1363 (Ct Ap Cal 2000).
Willing, R. (2002a). "Some inmates say ‘no’ to DNA sample; Nation’s database could be threatened," USA Today (Final Edition), A.03 (April 15, 2002).
Willing, R. (2002b). "Collection of prisoner DNA widens; Major crimes linked to non-violent offenders," USA Today (Final Edition), A.03 (May 2, 2002).
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